Right after his appointment as a Senator, Miller quickly affirmed of bipartisanship and insists that he would served no single political party but rather the total populace of Georgia. He supported the big Republican tax cut and unwillingly admitted his support towards Gore’s presidential campaign (Miller: I entrust). In January 2001after the bitter Florida recount on the United States Presidency, Miller supported President Bush nomination of the country’s attorney general. In the Senate, Miller’s action was observed to be strange.
He assailed against both his Democratic contemporaries and his supporters (Crowley). When ideological clashes roamed in the Senate (during the years 2001 and 2002), reports expressed that Miller will go on the Republican Party and he will be the one who will lead the party as well as the whole Senate. Miller answered back by saying “he was born a Democrat and will die one”. While claiming to be a Democrat he was seen to be a reliable Republican vote on almost every issue, from international to social issues and a hard critic on the Democratic Presidential Nominee.
Democrats have, in no way, actually come about with a plausible account for Miller’s disloyalty (as the party claimed). One explanation is that Miller is basically driving with Southern political twists (Crowley). A long time ago, Democrats became supreme in Deep South states such as Georgia, but not anymore. In 1990, Republicans were only able to take three out of the region’s 10 Senate seats. Today, it turns otherwise wherein ratio is overturned: seven Republicans and three Democrats — where Miller is still considered as a Democrat.
In 1990, the trend was in favor of the Democrats in terns of the Georgia congressional delegation in which it included nine Democrats and one Republican. At present, the tide turns otherwise having only five Democrats and eight Republicans. Miller would barely be the foremost Southern Democrat in Congress to act in response to this drift. Some have already changed parties in the precedent decade – that was consisted of Sen. Richard Shelby of Alabama.
The catch is that, while most of the Democrat members have already shifted parties – as means to survive and gain their political interests, Miller has never been seen with the same enthusiasm (Crowley). On the other hand, it could also be the case that Miller only feels snubbed by his colleagues. Such is a very good reason since Miller is an immeasurably self-righteous man and highly susceptible to signs of arrogances en route for his rustic legacy. He was raised in a small North Georgia peak city, and his published work is packed with praises to rustic living and such pompously simple asides.
Right after he left the governorship in 1998, Miller declared that one of his utmost compunctions was that he failed to challenge a big name at the Atlanta newspapers to contest over their immeasurable prejudice toward rural mountain natives. It is not only once that he has brought to the Senate floor to instigate an outburst of lectures in opposition to someone for typecasting hillbillies (Miller, 1985).
Through his work entitled A National Party No More: The Conscience of a Conservative Democrat, he claimed that his party misplaced its preponderance because it fell short to uphold the same principles that John F. Kennedy proposed during his times. He said that it is too liberal, too elitist, and subservient to liberal interest groups. He added that the party is quite outdated the present position of America. Likewise, he argued that the Republican had adopted the conservative Democrat principles that he personally valued for so long (Miller, 2003). Though always in conflict with his fellow democrats on several issues, Miller at some point supported some of their position in 2002.
As a true Democrat he campaigned hard on issues above a contentious re-election campaign against a Republican. Nevertheless, after the victory of the Republican, Miller had achieved an effective relationship with aforesaid senator. He stoutly advocated the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002. And in October 2003, with the majority of his party, his sponsored bill prohibited the implementation of the veto to move across Cuba. And in June 15, 2004, the members of his party agreed to take account of sexual orientation in hate crime (Hornsby).